- [ ] Case: [e.g., Ethan Liming, Akron]  
- [ ] Case: [e.g., Knockout Game victims]  
- [ ] Case: [e.g., 2020 BLM riots, White deaths unreported]  
Each example will follow this format:
  - Description
  - Source links
  - Racial framing in media
  - Legal outcome (if any)

On July 7, 2016, Micah Xavier Johnson fatally shot five Dallas police officers, injuring nine more. He explicitly told negotiators that he "wanted to kill white people, especially white officers: ¹

Johnson was killed by a police-controlled explosive during the standoff. As such, **he was never arrested or charged**. However, the racial motive was clear, and the case met all the elements of a federal hate crime — yet the DOJ made no public declaration, and the media aggressively avoided the racial framing.

For example:
- Media focused on Johnson’s military service, stress, and political frustration
- Most outlets used passive voice and abstracted motives (“upset over police shootings”) rather than stating the racial targeting directly
- Headlines ignored the racial component entirely
- Wikipedia’s article has over 100 references — none mention race in the headline. You may think this is hyperbolic, but its not. ²

 
On April 18, 2017, Kori Ali Muhammad fatally shot three White men in Fresno, California, following an earlier killing of a White security guard. Muhammad told police that he intended to “kill as many White males as possible” and targeted his victims specifically because of their race.³

He also shouted "Allahu Akbar" upon arrest. Fresno Police Chief Jerry Dyer stated during a press conference that Muhammad explained he was upset at White people, whom he blamed for the oppression of Black people.⁴

Muhammad was ultimately charged with four murders and sentenced to life without parole. A single state-level hate crime charge was filed, but no federal charges were brought, and the event was not treated as terrorism by the FBI or DOJ.

The Anti-Defamation League (ADL), which consistently labels right-wing or White-perpetrated attacks as acts of domestic terrorism, does not include the Fresno shooting in its 2017 extremism report.⁵ The same report includes several cases involving White attackers with far less ideologically explicit motives.

Fresno police made a point to declare that Muhammad was "not a terrorist" but rather a "racist filled with hate."⁶ This choice of framing illustrates how racial motive is treated differently depending on the racial identity of the victims and perpetrator.

Between August 2016 and August 2017, Frederick Demond Scott, a Black male, murdered at least five White men in the Kansas City area, targeting victims who were walking alone on trails or in public parks. He was charged with six murders in total, five of which involved White male victims who appeared to have been chosen at random.

According to statements in a 2017 Kansas City Star article, Scott had previously made threats in school, saying he “wanted to shoot up the school and kill all White people.”⁷ Despite this known ideology and the pattern of exclusively White victims, no hate crime charges were filed.

The FBI and DOJ were silent. The case was not designated a hate crime federally or publicly treated as racially motivated. Instead, the killings were attributed to mental illness, with the media heavily emphasizing Scott’s schizophrenia diagnosis.

Notably, none of the articles by mainstream outlets described the killings as anti-White, nor did any major civil rights groups (e.g., ADL or SPLC) acknowledge the racial pattern. The ADL, which routinely includes White-on-nonwhite attacks in its annual “extremism” and “hate” reports, did not list Scott in its summaries of hate-related violence.⁸

If a White suspect had murdered five unarmed Black men with a prior threat to “kill all Black people,” the response would have been treated as a national racial crisis and likely prosecuted as a federal hate crime. In Scott’s case, the racial motive was downplayed and legally disregarded.

On June 11 and 12, 2021, Justin Tyran Roberts shot five individuals — all White men — across two cities in Georgia and Alabama. The shootings were unprovoked, and Roberts told police he was specifically targeting White men because he believed they had “taken from him” and “hurt him throughout his life.”⁹

Columbus Police Detective Brandon Lockhart testified that Roberts said,  

 “White males had hurt him throughout his life.”¹⁰

Despite the confession and the racial pattern of the victims, Roberts was not charged with a hate crime at either the state or federal level. He was charged with aggravated assault, possession of a firearm, and attempted murder, but the racial motive was legally ignored.

No public statements were issued by the DOJ, FBI, or state prosecutors regarding the racial nature of the attacks. None of the major civil rights or anti-hate groups (such as the ADL or SPLC) condemned the shootings or called for hate crime prosecution. As with other cases involving anti-White motives, the suspect's ideology was reinterpreted as the result of mental illness rather than racial extremism.

If a White suspect had targeted five Black men over two days, confessed to racial intent, and left multiple victims hospitalized, the case would likely have triggered federal hate crime charges and national media attention. Roberts’ case faded quickly from coverage and was treated as a local incident without broader significance.

On March 14, 2024, Brandon Claiborne, a 29-year-old Black male, attacked a 29-year-old White woman on a New York City subway train. The assault was unprovoked. Claiborne allegedly punched the woman in the face and then stabbed her multiple times in the head and face while she was seated on a northbound No. 4 train.

Witnesses told police that Claiborne yelled:

 “I’m so tired of White people. I hope she dies.”¹¹

The victim was hospitalized with severe injuries and underwent emergency treatment.

Despite the explicit racial motive and hate-filled statements, Claiborne was not charged with a hate crime. He was charged with attempted murder, assault, criminal possession of a weapon, and menacing. Neither the New York Police Department nor the Manhattan District Attorney’s office pursued state-level hate crime enhancements, and no federal action was taken.

No major civil rights organizations publicly condemned the attack, and no widespread media coverage followed after the initial arrest report. The event was treated as a local stabbing, despite meeting the legal and rhetorical standards of a racially motivated hate crime.

As in many similar cases, the victim's race, the suspect's statement, and the severity of the attack were all insufficient to trigger hate crime designation — in sharp contrast to incidents where the roles are reversed.

On December 30, 2022, 34-year-old father Gars-Ara Kourjakian was shot and killed in the underground parkade of his Scarborough apartment complex while removing his 5-year-old daughter's winter boots. The man arrested and charged with first-degree murder was his former neighbor, Devret Clarke, who had a documented history of hostile and erratic behavior toward residents.¹²

Witnesses reported that Clarke had an aggressive encounter with Kourjakian’s wife and daughter while they lived in the apartment above his, and that an argument had taken place between Clarke and Kourjakian following that incident. Other neighbors described Clarke as rude, hostile, and paranoid — one recalled being confronted by him for “talking about him” on the phone and described the encounter as threatening.

Clarke is also the author of several self-published books promoting racial separation and anti-White ideology, including:
- *Segregation Is Necessary*
- *Segregation Is Necessary 2: Exposing the Enemy*
- *For the Haters*
- *Wake Up!*

These books, featured on his website and social platforms, include symbolism and themes rooted in Black separatism and militant rhetoric.¹³

Despite this ideological background, and the proximity of the murder to a prior personal conflict involving his victim’s family, Clarke was not charged with a hate crime, and no statements about motive have been made by police or prosecutors. There has been no coverage of his ideological writing in Canadian national press.

If the roles were reversed — with a White author of pro-segregation books murdering a nonwhite neighbor with whom he'd previously clashed — the case would likely be elevated to a national hate crime investigation and featured in major media and NGO databases. Clarke’s case has been quietly handled as a routine local murder.

On June 29, 2023, Gregory Gibson, a man from Texas, entered Valor Brewpub in Washington D.C. claiming to be an Uber Eats driver. When asked to provide confirmation of an order, he became aggressive and confrontational. The pub’s owner, Gaynor Jablonski, stood up to speak with him — while Jablonski’s 4-year-old son sat at the same table.

Surveillance footage captured what happened next. According to the victim, Gibson said:

 *“Sit down, white boy. I’m going to end you.”*¹⁴

Gibson then punched Jablonski and pulled a gun from his waistband, pointing it at him as the child looked on. A struggle followed, and a bystander was able to secure the weapon after it fell to the ground. Jablonski’s son climbed on top of him to protect him and attempted to scare the attacker away by roaring “like a dinosaur.” Gibson fled but was arrested moments later by D.C. police.

Despite the use of explicit racial language during the threat and the presence of a deadly weapon, no hate crime charges were filed. Within days, the U.S. Attorney’s Office offered a plea deal, which Gibson accepted. He pleaded guilty to attempted assault and carrying a pistol without a license. He was released from custody pending sentencing, despite the objections of prosecutors.

The phrase “white boy” in the context of a violent racial threat meets the legal threshold for hate crime prosecution under both federal and D.C. law. But in this case, as in many others, the racial motive was disregarded — both legally and narratively — because the victim was White.