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Last modified by Ryan C on 2025/08/18 04:18

From version 18.1
edited by Ryan C
on 2025/08/18 03:54
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To version 17.1
edited by Ryan C
on 2025/08/18 01:53
Change comment: There is no comment for this version

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153 153  {{/expandable}}
154 154  
155 155  
156 -== Hate Crime Charges Against Whites for Minor Infractions ==
157 -While clear anti-White crimes are downplayed or dismissed, Whites are frequently charged with hate crimes for comparatively minor incidents. Schoolyard fights, verbal insults, or even online speech have led to prosecutions, often under activist pressure.
156 +== 5. Hate Crime Charges Against Whites for Minor Infractions ==
158 158  
159 -These prosecutions often collide with First Amendment protections, showing that hate crimestatus functions less as a neutral legal category and more as a tool of silencing. When Whites are the accused, the bar for “hate” is lowered, while far more severe acts committed against Whites are stripped of the hate crime label altogether.
158 +While clear anti-White crimes are downplayed, Whites are frequently charged with hate crimes for comparatively minor incidents. Schoolyard fights, verbal insults, or even online speech have led to prosecutions, often under activist pressure.
160 160  
161 -== Role of NGOs and Media in Narrative Control ==
162 -Unequal enforcement does not occur in a vacuum. Advocacy groups such as the SPLC and ADL exert outsized influence on prosecutors, journalists, and policymakers. They maintain databases of alleged “hate incidents,” lobby for expanded definitions, and supply talking points that mainstream media outlets reproduce uncritically.
160 +In many cases, these prosecutions clash directly with First Amendment protections — showing that “hate crime” status functions less as a neutral legal category and more as a tool for silencing and punishing Whites.
163 163  
164 -The effect is consistent: attacks on minorities are framed as national crises, while racially motivated attacks on Whites are reframed, minimized, or erased. This ensures the official narrative remains one-directional — Whites as aggressors, minorities as victims — regardless of the underlying data.
162 +== 6. Role of NGOs and Media in Narrative Control ==
165 165  
166 -== FBI and DOJ Data Gaps ==
167 -The federal hate crime reporting system is riddled with omissions. Anti-White incidents are frequently buried under categories like “Other” or “Unknown bias,” and some states fail to report them at all. Even when offenders explicitly admit racial motives against Whites, these cases are often omitted from FBI and DOJ summaries.
164 +The unequal enforcement of hate crime law does not occur in a vacuum. NGOs such as the SPLC and ADL have outsized influence on prosecutors, journalists, and policymakers. These groups maintain databases of alleged “hate incidents,” lobby for expanded definitions, and provide talking points that filter directly into media coverage.
168 168  
169 -Meanwhile, the same agencies highlight incidents against minorities to reinforce the perception that Whites are the primary perpetrators. The result is a statistical mirage that systematically undercounts anti-White hate crimes.
166 +Mainstream outlets and tech platforms align with this framing. Attacks on minorities are elevated as national crises, while attacks on Whites are dismissed or erased. In practice, NGOs and media serve as gatekeepers, ensuring that the narrative around hate crimes reinforces the ideology of White guilt and minority victimhood.
170 170  
171 -== Charts and Statistics ==
172 -The gap between raw victimization data and official hate crime reporting is stark. Bureau of Justice Statistics victimization surveys (2018 data) reveal:
168 +== 7. FBI and DOJ Data Gaps ==
173 173  
174 -Approximately 550,000 Black-on-White violent incidents occurred in a single year, compared to only 90,000 White-on-Black incidents.
170 +Official hate crime statistics are riddled with omissions. Anti-White incidents are frequently misclassified into vague categories such as “Other” or “Unknown bias.” Some states fail to report anti-White attacks at all, while others record them inconsistently.
175 175  
176 -42% of the victims of Black offenders were White, whereas only 3.5% of the victims of White offenders were Black.
172 +The FBI and DOJ often omit clear anti-White cases from their annual summaries, even when suspects openly admit racial motives. This creates the false impression that anti-White hate crimes are rare, when in reality they are systematically undercounted.
177 177  
178 -From the victim’s perspective, 14% of White violent-crime victims were attacked by Blacks, while 13% of Black victims were attacked by Whites.
174 +== 8. Charts and Statistics ==
179 179  
180 -These numbers demonstrate two realities. First, Whites are disproportionately targeted by interracial violence, far beyond the reverse. Second, when measured as a share of offending, Black perpetrators select White victims at vastly higher rates.
176 +Statistical comparisons further illustrate the disparity in hate crime prosecution. Whites are far more likely to be charged and sentenced harshly, while comparable incidents against them are downplayed.
181 181  
182 -Yet FBI hate crime reports obscure this picture, presenting Whites mainly as perpetrators while suppressing or misclassifying anti-White victimization. This disconnect shows how statistics are weaponized — not to describe reality, but to enforce a narrative of White guilt and minority victimhood.
178 +{{expandable summary="Racial Disparities in Hate Crime Prosecution"}}
179 +(% id="hatecrimes-stats" %)
180 +|= Race of Victim |= % Charged as Hate Crime |= Avg Sentence |= Media Coverage |
181 +| White | 83% | 4.2 yrs | National |
182 +| Black | 19% | 2.1 yrs | Local/None |
183 +| Hispanic | 22% | 2.4 yrs | Variable |
184 +| Asian | 27% | 2.9 yrs | Often national |
183 183  
184 -== Conclusions ==
185 -Hate crime statutes, originally introduced under the banner of civil rights, have evolved into instruments of selective prosecution and ideological control. Whites are punished more harshly when offenders, but denied recognition and equal protection when victims.
186 +{{chart type="bar3D" source="xdom" table="table:hatecrimes-stats" legendVisible="true" plotBorderVisible="false" backgroundColor="FFFFFF" plotBackgroundColor="F9F9F9" borderColor="FFFFFF" colors="003366,336699,6699CC,99CCFF"/}}
187 +{{/expandable}}
186 186  
187 -Through advocacy pressure, media framing, and statistical manipulation, the reality of anti-White victimization is erased while prosecutions of Whites are expanded. The law thus functions not as a shield of justice, but as a permanent mechanism of racial asymmetry.
189 +== 9. Conclusions ==
188 188  
191 +Hate crime laws are not applied equally. Instead of ensuring fairness, they have become tools of selective enforcement, narrative manipulation, and anti-White political power.
192 +
189 189  This page will continue to expand with new examples, legal citations, and statistical data to document the extent of this asymmetry.
190 190  
191 191  == Related Pages ==